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Ben Gurion University
Ben Gurion
University - Neve Gordon (Dept of Political Science), the Kommissar
of the Boycott-Israel Movement, complaining again about Israeli "McCarthists"
'There is also a third strategy: to undermine the
reputation of anyone who dares to question Israel’s human rights
record, and to obstruct the flow of unpalatable information that’s
gathered, organised, and distributed by rights groups and circulated
by the international media. Right-wing NGOs and social movements
such as Gerald Steinberg’s NGO Monitor and Im Tirtzu are doing much
of this McCarthyist dirty work. Their blacklist includes not only
individual critics of Israeli rights abuses, like Goldstone, but
also local and international NGOs and their donors, particularly the
European Union, the Ford Foundation and the New Israel Fund. Naomi
Chazan, the former Knesset member who now runs the New Israel Fund,
was recently featured on giant billboards with a horn emerging from
her head because her organisation funded human-rights NGOs that
passed information on to Judge Goldstone.'
http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2010/05/19/neve-gordon/land-of-security-know-how/
http://counterpunch.com/gordon05212010.html
Land of
Security Know-How
Neve Gordon
19 May 2010
Since the publication of his UN report charging Israel (and Hamas)
with war crimes, Richard Goldstone has been subjected to a
well-orchestrated delegitimisation campaign by Israel. Most
recently, new ‘revealing
information’ was disseminated to the press, accusing the Jewish
Zionist South African judge of sentencing 28 black South Africans to
death during the apartheid years. ‘The judge who sentenced black
people to death,’ said the speaker of the Knesset, Reuven Rivlin,
‘should not be allowed to lecture a democratic state defending
itself against terrorists.’
The ongoing character assassination of Goldstone isn’t an
isolated case, but should be seen as part of a large-scale
state-branding exercise by Israel. In 2004, the Foreign Ministry
hired a number of international PR firms to improve Israel’s global
reputation. In the words of
Ido Aharoni, the head of the ministry’s brand management team:
Every place has a brand… Brazil is about
fun, Paris is about romance and Las Vegas is about sin… What is
Israel about?… The conflict, and the context in which Israel is
perceived is all about bad news, whether you agree with Israel or
not.
The Foreign Ministry decided to draw attention away from the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict by emphasising Israel’s stem-cell
research and the young computer experts who invented instant
messaging. Aharoni points to Dan Senor and Saul Singer’s book
Start-Up Nation as a paradigmatic example of how Israel can be
celebrated. The problem, in Aharoni’s view, is that ‘when we are
given a chance to talk about Israel the only story we tell is about
the conflict and it is a turn-off even among our biggest
supporters.’ Aharoni is convinced that by changing the story it
tells about itself – by focusing on lifestyle and leisure, the
environment, science and technology, art and culture, the people and
heritage – Israel can change its international image.
Martin Kace, the head of the business consultancy firm Empax,
disagrees with this approach. At the annual Herzliya Conference on
National Security, he said:
It’s true that the country has
astoundingly high amounts of technological innovation; Israel is
number one in the world in agricultural productivity, files more
biomedical patents every year than any other country, is
consistently top 10 in life expectancy, has a very active cultural
and academic life, lots of Nobel laureates, great beaches, beautiful
and scantily-clad people, a very active gay community and on and on…
This is what the Israeli Foreign Ministry proposes as a platform for
Brand Israel. It will fail miserably… because it asks people to
completely re-contextualise Israel as they know it.
Kace does not propose that Israel end the conflict, but rather
suggests that the conflict be incorporated into the Israeli brand,
maintaining that Israel cannot deliver a credible brand message
without acknowledging the ongoing strife. The idea, so it seems, is
to present Israel as the Land of Security Know-How.
There is also a third strategy: to undermine the reputation of
anyone who dares to question Israel’s human rights record, and to
obstruct the flow of unpalatable information that’s gathered,
organised, and distributed by rights groups and circulated by the
international media.
Right-wing NGOs and social movements such as Gerald Steinberg’s
NGO Monitor and
Im Tirtzu are doing much of this McCarthyist dirty work. Their
blacklist includes not only individual critics of Israeli rights
abuses, like Goldstone, but also local and international NGOs and
their donors, particularly the European Union, the Ford Foundation
and the New Israel Fund. Naomi Chazan, the former Knesset member who
now runs the New Israel Fund, was recently featured on giant
billboards with a horn emerging from her head because her
organisation funded human-rights NGOs that passed information on to
Judge Goldstone.
These McCarthyist organisations are working with right-wing
legislators. On 28 April, 19 Knesset members introduced a bill that
aims to close down any existing NGO if ‘there are reasonable grounds
to conclude that the association is providing information to foreign
entities or is involved in legal proceedings abroad against senior
Israeli government officials or IDF officers for war crimes.’
The
Reut Institute, and a few other right-wing think tanks, have
also joined the bandwagon, offering policy recommendations to
decision makers. In
‘Building a Political Firewall against Israel’s Delegitimisation’,
Reut defined anyone who is critical of Israel as being part of a
‘delegitimisation network’ and therefore an ‘existential threat’.
According to Reut, this network is made up of ‘organisations and
individuals in the West – mostly elements of the radical European
left, Arab and Islamic groups, and so-called post or anti-Zionist
Jews and Israelis – [who] negate Israel’s right to exist based on a
variety of political and philosophical arguments.’ The think tank
concludes that the ‘delegitimisation stems from a rejection of
Israel’s existence, and therefore cannot be made to disappear by PR
or policy.’ It accordingly argues that ‘branding the other side’
(i.e. Israel’s critics) is a vital part of the struggle over
Israel’s reputation and, indeed, existence.
This negative branding is an international effort. Noam Chomsky,
who was
recently prevented from entering Israel and the West Bank, has
long been a target of witch hunters like Alan Dershowitz, but other
less known actors are also playing a part. Mitchell Bard, the
executive director of the American-Israeli Co-operative Enterprise,
and Gil Troy, a historian at McGill University, recently published a
position paper summarising the discussions of the Working Group
on Delegitimisation at the 2009 Global Forum against Anti-Semitism.
Bard and Troy suggest that it is crucial to ‘rename and reframe’ the
Palestinian boycott, divestment and sanctions movement (BDS). ‘We
need to point out how BDS crosses the line from legitimate criticism
to historically-laden, anti-Semitic messaging.’ The report goes on
to present the struggle against BDS as a war, using such terms as
enemy, command centre, war room, fight, battle and battlefield.
But the branding campaign does not stop with human rights NGOs,
their donors, individual critics or supporters of BDS. International
humanitarian and human rights law – which emerged following the
horrors of the Holocaust – is also under attack. This, at least, was
one of the messages emerging from a conference organised by the
Lawfare Project. The logic is clear: international human rights
law is being deployed as a tool to criticise Israeli policies in the
Occupied Territories and is consequently responsible for damaging
Israel’s reputation; it therefore must be curbed. This is an
extremely frightening thought.
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