University of Haifa
University of Haifa - Ilan Pappe's "New History"
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United
Press International
International Security - Emerging Threats - Analysis
Published:
Aug. 6, 2007 at 11:17 AM
Commentary: Embarrassing history
By ARNAUD
DE BORCHGRAVE
UPI Editor
at Large
WASHINGTON,
Aug. 6 (UPI) -- The Palestinians call Israel’s 1948 war of
independence their nakba, or catastrophic ethnic cleansing, or
forced exile. The Israelis, for their part, have steadfastly
rejected any suggestion of ethnic cleansing as calumny in all its
anti-Semitic horror.
Historic
revisionism is now under way. Without fanfare, just below the media
radar screen, the Israeli Education Ministry has approved a textbook
for Arab third-graders in Israel that concedes the war that gave
birth to Israel was a “nakba” for the Palestinians. The textbook
refers to the “expulsion” of some of the Palestinians and the
“confiscation of many Arab-owned lands.”
Textbooks
for Jewish Israelis in the same grade make no such verbal
concession. But Israel’s “new wave” historians have been combing
through fresh material now available from the British mandate period
and Israeli archives that document the history of Israel before and
after it became a state. Long-lasting myths are being debunked.
Ilan Pappe,
an Israeli historian and Haifa University lecturer, whose ninth book
is titled “The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine,” documents how Israel
was born with lands forcibly seized from its Palestinian inhabitants
who had lived there for hundreds of years.
During the
British mandate (1920-1948), Zionist leaders concluded
Palestinians, who owned 90 percent of the land (with 5.8 percent
owned by Jews), would have to be forcibly expelled to make a Jewish
state possible. Pappe quotes David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime
minister, addressing the Jewish Agency Executive in June 1938, as
saying, “I am for compulsory transfer. I do not see anything immoral
in it.”
Pappe
outlines Plan D (Dalet in Hebrew), which followed earlier plans A, B
and C, and included forcible expulsion of some 800,000 Palestinians
from both urban and rural areas with the objective of creating by
any means necessary an exclusive Jewish state without an Arab
presence. The methods ranged from a campaign of disinformation --
“get out immediately because the Jews are on their way to kill you”
-- to Jewish militia attacks to terrorize the Palestinians.
The first
Jewish militia attacks, says Pappe, began before the May 1948 end of
the British mandate. In December 1947 two villages in the central
plain -- Deir Ayyub and Beit Affa -- were raided, and their panicked
Palestinian inhabitants fled. Jewish leaders gave the order to drive
out as many Palestinians as possible on March 10, 1948. The terror
campaign ended six months later. Pappe writes 531 Palestinian
villages were destroyed, and 11 urban neighborhoods in cities were
emptied of their Palestinian inhabitants.
There is no
doubt in Pappe’s mind that Plan D “was a clear-cut case of an ethnic
cleansing operation, regarded under international law today as a
crime against humanity.”
Plan Dalet
began in the rural hills on the western slopes of the Jerusalem
mountains halfway on the road to Tel Aviv, according to Pappe. It
was called Operation Nachshon, and served as a model for massive
expulsions using terror tactics. Pappe also details what he calls
the “urbicide of Palestine” that included attacking and cleansing
the major urban centers of Tiberias, Haifa, Tel Aviv, Safad and what
he calls the “Phantom City of Jerusalem” once Jewish troops shelled,
attacked and occupied its western Arab neighborhoods in April 1948.
The British did not interfere.
Lobbied by
the World Zionist Organization and its guiding spirit Chaim Weizmann,
who became the first president of Israel (1949-52), the British
decided in favor of a Jewish state in Palestine in the 1917 Balfour
Declaration. This was a letter from the British Foreign Secretary to
Lord Rothschild (Walter, 2nd Baron Rothschild), the leader of the
British Jewish community, for relay to the Zionist Federation. The
British also pledged indigenous Arab rights would be protected as
they divvied up the Ottoman Empire.
The myth
was then created of “a land without people for a people without a
land” even though the “empty land” had a flourishing Palestinian
Arab population. The U.N. partition plan of Nov. 29, 1947, gave the
Jews 56 percent of Palestine, with one-third of the population,
while making Jerusalem an international city. The Jewish part
included the most fertile land and almost all urban areas.
When the
British handed power to the Jews on May 15, 1948, including the
influx of survivors from Hitler’s concentration camps, two-thirds of
the population was still Palestinian.
The first
Arab-Israeli war quickly followed as the armies of Egypt,
Transjordan (now Jordan), Syria, Lebanon and Iraq joined Palestinian
and other Arab guerrillas who had been attacking Jewish forces since
November 1947. The Arabs failed to prevent the establishment of a
Jewish state and were defeated. The war ended with four
U.N.-arranged armistice agreements between Israel and Egypt,
Lebanon, Jordan and Syria.
Commenting
on Pappe’s historical research, Rami Khouri, director of the Issam
Fares Institute at the American University of Beirut and editor at
large of the Beirut Daily Star, writes, “Many Israelis will
challenge Pappe’s account. Such a process should ideally spark an
honest,
comprehensive analysis that could lead us to an accurate narrative
of what happened in 1947-48 -- accurate for both sides, if it is to
have meaning for either side.”
An Israeli
official textbook for Palestinian third-graders, says Fares, “that
fleetingly acknowledges the Palestinian trauma of exile and
occupation
in 1948 is an intriguing sign of something that remains largely
unclear.” The “something” is worth exploring and reciprocating, “if
it indicates a capacity to move toward the elusive shared, accurate,
truthful account of Israeli and Palestinian history that must anchor
any progress toward a negotiated peace.”
The consensus in Israel today, says Pappe, is for a state comprising
90 percent of Palestine “surrounded by electric fences and visible
and invisible walls” with Palestinians given only worthless
cantonized scrub lands of little value to the Jewish state. In 2006,
Pappe sees that 1.4 million Palestinians live in Israel on 2 percent
of the land allotted to them plus another 1 percent for agricultural
use with 6 million Jews on most of the rest. “Another 3.9 million
live concentrated in Israel’s unwanted portions of the West Bank and
concentrated in Gaza that has three times the population density of
Manhattan,” notes Pappe. Back from the Middle East last week, U.S.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said prospects are good for a
two-state solution. A “viable and contiguous” Palestinian state,
pledged by the Bush administration, remains a pipe dream.
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