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Technion – Kobi Snitz (Dept of Mathematics) and Roee
Harush (Seminar Hakibutzim), residents of “occupied Haifa,” also
support and actively participate in a “BDS campaign by the citizens
of Israel”
Many of Haifa's Palestinians and some Jews
participate in anti-Zionist activity on different occasions … as
well as various forms of direct action against the occupation and
the Zionist regime. … Through the various discussions, it was found
that there is broad agreement that support by Israeli citizens,
particularly Jewish-Israelis could be very useful to the
international BDS campaign. … An important unresolved issue is the
legitimate reluctance of many anti-Zionists in Palestine to identify
as Israelis. … This is a long-standing question for the Jewish
anti-Zionist movement in Palestine, and while it is an unresolved
issue, it should not be allowed to become an obstacle to mounting an
effective struggle against the apartheid regime. … The group is now
at a stage of planning activities in Israel and abroad. At first,
efforts will be focused on educating potential supporters. … For
instance, one way in which Hebrew speakers can clearly be of use to
the campaign is research into the corporations and institutions
supporting and legitimizing Israel's apartheid system. Such research
should not be done in an arbitrary fashion, but would be much more
useful if done in coordination with the needs of the global campaign
and the Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC), the main reference
point of the global campaign.
Kobi
Snitz is an Israeli peace activist living in Haifa
Roee Harush is an activist of Moroccan origin who resides in
occupied Haifa.
http://www.badil.org/en/al-majdal/item/91-israeli-citizens-for-a-boycott-of-israel
Israeli Citizens for a Boycott of Israel
Written by
Kobi Snitz and Roee Harush
Over the past few months, a working group has
been meeting and discussing how to build the BDS campaign by
citizens of Israel. The group itself is composed of a small group of
Israeli citizens who object to the daily apartheid policies towards
Palestinians everywhere, many of whom are already active in
challenging Israeli oppression in different political, intellectual
and cultural arenas. Much of the group's work so far has focused on
discussing amongst itself, and with the Palestinian initiators of
the campaign, on the ways in which this campaign can be built within
Israeli society. This article describes some of the results of these
discussions.
Haifa, the city in which the campaign is based,
is a 'mixed' city. Palestinians and Israeli-Jews reside in it, and
there are some advanced political projects in the city that helped
in choosing it as the group's center of action. Many of Haifa's
Palestinians and some Jews participate in anti-Zionist activity on
different occasions, such as Nakba day (May 14-15) and Land day
(March 30), and there are regular vigils against Israeli war crimes,
as well as various forms of direct action against the occupation and
the Zionist regime.
Through the various discussions, it was found
that there is broad agreement that support by Israeli citizens,
particularly Jewish-Israelis could be very useful to the
international BDS campaign. In addition to helping counter the crude
characterization of Israel's critics as anti-Semites, the usefulness
of organized Jewish-Israeli endorsement for the campaign helps
respond to the charge that progressive Israelis, or the Israeli
left, do not support BDS. Less clear are the prospects or
opportunities for such a movement to exist in a meaningful way.
An important unresolved issue is the legitimate
reluctance of many anti-Zionists in Palestine to identify as
Israelis. In a movement dedicated to the principle of full equality,
the wishes of those who oppose such a label should not be taken
lightly. As such, an internal debate has arisen over the simple, but
fundamental, question of what to name the group. Does the usefulness
of externally projecting ourselves as Jewish-Israeli settlers in
Palestine who oppose the settler colonial project outweigh the
principled objection to internally and externally identifying
one-self as being part of the Zionist enterprise through the use of
the 'Israeli' label? Even on the domestic front, while the Jewish
society in Palestine will undoubtedly see BDS demands as extreme,
identifying as Israelis may help in getting others to listen to our
arguments as members of the same society, rather than further
alienating BDS campaigners as a foreign body within that society.
This is a long-standing question for the Jewish anti-Zionist
movement in Palestine, and while it is an unresolved issue, it
should not be allowed to become an obstacle to mounting an effective
struggle against the apartheid regime.
The first obstacle to the campaign is the fact
that support for BDS is very marginalized within Jewish-Israeli
society and some of the prominent advocates of the campaign, such as
Ilan Pappe and the late Tanya Reinhart, had to endure a great deal
of pressure in response to their position. This official and
societal pressure is successful in intimidating many potential
supporters of the campaign. Secondly, even amongst potential
supporters of BDS the discussion is at a pretty early stage. One
indication is that people commonly respond to the proposed campaign
with the idea that Israeli citizens (including Palestinian citizens
of Israel) can not call for a boycott since they can not avoid
participating in the Israeli economy.
In addition to potential usefulness for the
global campaign, the main reason for wanting to launch the campaign
within Jewish-Israeli society is a principled one that stems from a
deep opposition to the colonial Zionist project. While some parts of
the Israeli left may have called for selective boycotts, notably of
settlement products, there currently exists no agent within this
society that operates within the framework of the 9 July 2005
Palestinian civil society call for BDS. Thus, it is felt that it is
important to join the Palestinians in their call for boycott,
accepting their role as the original initiators, accepting the
Palestinian call for boycott as it is, focusing on all three demands
of ending occupation, equal rights for Palestinian citizens of
Israel, and implementation of the Palestinian refugees' right to
return. Participants see BDS as an essential campaign, potentially
the most powerful nonviolent campaign possible to stop the ongoing
war crimes committed in the name of Jewish people.
The group is now at a stage of planning
activities in Israel and abroad. At first, efforts will be focused
on educating potential supporters. In the mean time, the group has
already been involved in several initiatives. The first action was
simply to translate and endorse the Palestinian civil society call
for BDS as Israelis. The direct support of Israeli citizens in the
BDS call is an important declaration, and one that will hopefully
inspire other Israelis to join the campaign. Recently, the group
also took part in a march commemorating 41 years of Israeli
occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. During the march, BDS
activists carried signs that read “Boycott Israel” in Hebrew and
English, chanting this slogan loudly. After the march, about 30
Israelis held a meeting that lasted about an hour-and-a-half and
discussed the idea of boycotting Israel among themselves. The
responses were encouraging and it will be important to have such
discussions again at other political events. The group also
participated in the panel dealing specifically with the boycott
campaign at the 21 June 2008 Haifa Conference on the Secular
Democratic State. Since then it issued open letters to high profile
artists planning to perform in Israel, such as Snoop Doggy Dog and
Cypress Hill, calling on them to cancel their visits and to take
public positions against the Israeli apartheid regime.
While discussions have produced the preliminary
steps already mentioned, there are larger issues that have emerged
as requiring more discussion and need to be thought through with the
Palestinian initiators of the campaign. For instance, one way in
which Hebrew speakers can clearly be of use to the campaign is
research into the corporations and institutions supporting and
legitimizing Israel's apartheid system. Such research should not be
done in an arbitrary fashion, but would be much more useful if done
in coordination with the needs of the global campaign and the
Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC), the main reference point
of the global campaign. Translation of BDS resources and news from
other languages to Hebrew will also be an important part of our
work, in order to facilitate outreach in the Hebrew-speaking
community.
Another question that has come up in
discussions is that of how to relate to groups operating within the
framework of a selective boycott. Gush Shalom, for example, calls
solely for a boycott of settlement products, but not of
Zionist-Israeli institutions in general. The practical aspect of how
to relate to such groups creates a dilemma: are supporters of BDS
based on the Palestinian civil society call to join forces with
those who only support part of the call, and after some gains are
made on that front, to go on to advocate a wide boycott and further
demands; or should they not cooperate with boycott initiatives which
do not follow the call issued by Palestinians. The reason for
considering the first option is the potential of reaching a much
larger audience and increasing the legitimacy of the idea of the
boycott campaign within Israeli society. The reason for considering
the second option is that given the disproportionate weight that
actors within the international community give to Jewish and Israeli
voices, Israeli boycott calls might end up setting the agenda for
international initiatives. For example, European groups who might
want Israeli support for their boycott policies might follow Gush
Shalom's policy of only boycotting settlement products while
Palestinian organizations have clearly called for support for a
wider boycott. By joining forces, even temporarily with those who
offer only partial support for the Palestinian call, one may
inadvertently give credibility to Israeli decision-making power in
what is and should continue to be a Palestinian-led campaign.
A pivotal issue is that of the role and
relationship vis-à-vis Palestinian citizens of Israel who are
central to the campaign. For instance, does the usefulness of having
a Jewish-Israeli group calling for boycott, outweigh the potential
perpetuation of 'apartness' and 'separation' characteristic of
Israeli apartheid by having an exclusively Jewish group? These
questions cannot be answered without a longer process of discussion
with Palestinian BDS activists on both sides of the green line.
Overall, the feeling in the group is quite
positive. Many feel certain that partners in the struggle against
the apartheid regime will be found, and that together they can make
a strong and effective contribution to the global BDS movement and
the Palestinian struggle for freedom.
http://www.badil.org/en/al-majdal/itemlist/user/153-kobisnitzandroeeharush
Kobi Snitz is an Israeli peace activist living in Haifa
Roee Harush is an activist of Moroccan origin who resides in
occupied Haifa. He studies feminist critical pedagogy and literature
at Seminar Hakibutzim in Tel Aviv and has been an anti-Zionist
activist for the past 5 years in various NGOs and civil resistance
groups.
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