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University of East London - Yosefa
Loshitzky (Dept. of Film Studies) claims that Operation "Cast Lead"
is a victory of "disinformation" and "lies" by Israeli hasbara
(public relations)
The cynicism
embedded in the name, selected for what Ari Shavit, one of Israel's
most celebrated commentators, called "an intelligent, impressive
operation," is symptomatic to the cold, meticulous and calculated
cruelty with which this attack was "designed," "executed" and
"marketed" to the world. As the perpetrators themselves proudly
boast, Operation Cast Lead is not only a great military victory but
also a success story of Israeli hasbara (meaning in Hebrew,
explanation, but practically referring to misinformation, spin and
lies).
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article10119.shtml
Yosefa Loshitzky
05 January 2009
Israel's blonde
bombshells and real bombs in Gaza
"I reiterate that
we will treat the population [of Gaza] with silk gloves"
- Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert
I am not sure that
most people understand the meaning of the name "Operation Cast Lead"
chosen by Israel for its murderous and criminal attack on Gaza. The
name is borrowed from a Hebrew nursery rhyme which was (and may
still be) very popular among Israeli children in the 1950s. In this
song, a father promises to his child a special Hannukah gift: "a
cast lead sevivon." Sevivon, in Hebrew (A dreidel in Yiddish) is a
four-sided spinning top, played with during the Jewish holiday of
Hanukkah. Somebody, in the Israeli army, who apparently feels
nostalgic about his childhood, decided that if Israeli kids would
enjoy a sevivon cast from lead there is no reason why Palestinian
children would not appreciate it too. After all Operation Cast Lead
is not the first (and unfortunately, will not be the last) of
Israel's cruel war games.
The cynicism
embedded in the name, selected for what Ari Shavit, one of Israel's
most celebrated commentators, called "an intelligent, impressive
operation," is symptomatic to the cold, meticulous and calculated
cruelty with which this attack was "designed," "executed" and
"marketed" to the world. As the perpetrators themselves proudly
boast, Operation Cast Lead is not only a great military victory but
also a success story of Israeli hasbara (meaning in Hebrew,
explanation, but practically referring to misinformation, spin and
lies).
This great
victory, as some (but not enough) noticed, prominent among them,
Richard Falk, United Nations Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in
the Occupied Palestinian Territories, is targeted against the
"wretched of the world." They are first, second and third generation
refugees (originating from the area currently being rocketed from
Gaza), the poorest people in the world, crammed in one of the most
densely-populated areas on the planet, already starved and weakened
by months of Israeli blockade. The sanitized language of the western
media calls it "a disproportionate reaction." But the ground zero
that it creates for the Palestinians, who, over the last decades,
have achieved the dubious honor of becoming the world's
quintessential victims, should be a "shock and awe" for any person
who has not, as yet, lost his or her basic humanity and sense of
justice.
Israel's oiled
propaganda-machine was further lubricated by its self-acknowledged
decision to select women as their masbirim (misinformation
spokespersons) so as "to project a feminine and softer image." To
add some cool glamour to Israel's hot lies, Tzipi Livni, the state's
foreign minister and a natural blonde, announced, in response to
calls for truce: "There is no humanitarian crisis in the [Gaza]
Strip, and therefore there is no need for a humanitarian truce." The
blonde offensive, led by the rising star of Israeli politics, was
fortified by a team of peroxide blonde Israeli women, whose sex,
lies and video games decorated TV screens worldwide. They explained
to the sympathetic world the hardships endured by the nuclear-armed
Israelis threatened by the crude rockets. After all, one Israeli was
killed in the last six months, while three other Israelis (one of
them a Palestinian citizen of Israel) were killed by rockets since
Gaza has been turned into a slaughter-house by the silk gloves of
the Israeli army.
Quick to join this
sugar-coated team of blonde bombshells were Israel's most celebrated
and translated writers abroad, Amos Oz and David Grossman. The two
project to the international community (i.e., the so-called liberal
west) what it regards as Israeli political conscience and moral
voice. Both are given a special stage by prestigious western media
platforms to express their opinions regarding major political events
involving Israel. They are Israel's hamasbirim haleumim (the
national spokespersons) a euphemism for national (or international)
deceivers, who whitewash Israel's dirty laundry in the global
launderette.
Grossman (slightly
more to the "left" than Oz) has obtained an extra moral authority
after his own tank commander son was killed in Israel's murderous
attack on Lebanon in 2006. In a militaristic society, centered on
the cult of the fallen soldier, a bereaved father (av shakul in
Hebrew) enjoys a special status. One could have expected Grossman to
"cash" in this newly gained status and come out with a more
courageous stance, one that would criticize Israel's immoral
massacre, rather than re-play the eternal Jewish victim, pleading
"to halt" Israeli fire while promising Hamas that: "Even if you
continue to fire on Israel, we will not respond by resuming combat.
We will grit our teeth, just as we did throughout the period before
our attack."
Israelis, in
Grossman's self-adulatory discourse, are rahmanim bnei rahmanim
(merciful sons of merciful fathers), dignified and righteous
victims. Perhaps this is what Olmert meant when he talked about the
silky touch of the Israeli gloves caressing "ordinary," non-militant
Palestinians in Gaza.
One could think
about a braver bereaved parent, Smadar Elhanan-Peled for example. A
mother who, after losing her daughter in a suicide bomb attack in
Jerusalem, publicly and openly put the blame for her daughter's
death on the Israeli government and its cruel policies towards the
Palestinians. Her teenage daughter, unlike Grossman's son, was not a
tank commander, not even a soldier but just an ordinary girl.
The
well-orchestrated propaganda machinery was also equipped with
Israel's most successful "secret weapons" of mass deception: playing
the role of the victim again. It is not an accident, therefore,
that, as the Israeli spin doctors themselves explained in an
interview to The Jewish Chronicle, that: "The international media
were directed to a press center set up by the foreign ministry in
Sderot itself so that foreign reporters would spend as much time as
possible in the main civilian area affected by Hamas rockets." The
scenes of crying, panic-stricken Israelis added some excessive
emotionalism which counter-balanced, but nicely complemented, the
team of the icy blonde offenders.
The designation of
the Gaza Strip and south Israel as a "closed military zone," and the
ban on media coverage of the Gaza carnage contributes to the
sanitized view of the Gaza story as manufactured by Israel. The real
horror and gore is reserved for the Al Jazeera's spectators,
particularly the Arab ones. Ghetto-under-siege Gaza remains almost
silent and partly invisible to the rest of us. We hardly hear or see
in mainstream media, testimonies from the ground.
But we are
bombarded by statements and "explanations" given by Israeli
officials and "international experts" who discuss the "situation"
calmly and "logically." After all, unlike the hysterical, always
shouting and crying Gazans, they have not been bombarded by for nine
days straight. They are interviewed in their comfortable (probably
leather-clad) offices. They look and sound like respectable
westerners, just like "us," and their foreign minister is very calm
and cool as her blonde hair obliges.
A pioneering study
by the Glasgow University Media Group on media coverage of
conflicts, taught us that if you look respectable and calm you must
be right. The Palestinians, by contrast, usually interviewed when
they are in a state of shock, look disheveled, disoriented, slightly
hysterical. And they are always surrounded by chaos and disorder.
The buildings around are destroyed, debris is scattered everywhere,
and the noise is unbearable (not to mention that they speak this
incomprehensible language). Is something wrong with them? Also, even
when they are not "extremists" they are always on the defense,
almost apologetic, trying to convince us that they are not
terrorists, not even militants, just ordinary people who want to
survive, if not to enjoy this life. This makes them look even more
suspicious.
After all, if they
are not terrorists, what are they doing in Gaza? Gaza, we should
remember, was declared as "hostile entity" by Israel in September of
2007. And since only the powerful have the power to define, even if
their definitions amount to tautologies or oxymorons, they are still
the accepted ones. According to this perverse logic, produced in
Fortress Israel and marketed to the whole world, any Gazan deserves
to die. Furthermore, despite the fact that Israel claims to attack
only Hamas and not the Palestinians (conveniently oblivious to the
fact that, as David Boardman reminds us, the majority of
Palestinians voted democratically for Hamas), it still clings to its
old law of blood, according to which, as John Berger observes: "One
Israeli life is worth a hundred Palestinian lives." So if in the
course of the last six months, one Israeli died as a result of a
Hamas rocket attack, it is perfectly logical that in a week 500
Palestinians will lose their lives and thousands more will be
injured. This is what the Israelis view as a policy of deterrence.
We should not
forget, however, that behind this cruel apparatus of sex, lies and
video war games, a more "primitive," "organic," and tribal cruelty,
usually well hidden from the scrutiny of the outside world, is
operating. Most people in the west do not realize the indifference,
and more disturbingly, the joy with which Israelis receive news
about the suffering of Arabs and particularly Palestinians. It is
more common in the west to see Arab and Muslim crowds "dancing on
the roofs" when missiles or rockets hit Israel (as was the case
during the 1991 Gulf War) but it is less common to see or hear
Israelis cheered at the plight of suffering Palestinians and Arabs.
More than once, I have encountered a jovial taxi driver applauding
the good news that he has just heard. "Let them all die in agony"
was a standard reaction that I have become accustomed to hear on a
day-to-day basis while I was still living in Israel.
It was also not
uncommon in my Jerusalem neighborhood -- even prior to the onset of
the second Palestinian intifada -- to see Israeli Border Police
brutally harass poor old Palestinians who came to collect some
"valuables" from the garbage bins of the affluent Jews. Time and
again it happened in front of a popular Jerusalem cafe, where people
were sipping their lattes, completely oblivious to the unfolding
drama. Nobody, among these beautiful people, seemed to be bothered
by these scenes, or to suffer from some disturbing reflections on
the transfer of guilt.
Israel's cruelty
-- manifested through its use (or rather abuse) of language, and
creative "strategy" of "re-branding" its continuous assaults on the
Palestinians as a war of defense, using their tautological logic to
justify the extermination of an "entity" which they designate as
"hostile" -- should be interpreted in the spirit of Giorgio Agamben.
The influential Italian philosopher argued in relation to the Nazi
death camps that the "correct question to pose concerning the
horrors committed in the camps is, therefore, not the hypocritical
one of how crimes of such atrocity could be committed against human
beings" but what were "the juridical procedures and deployments of
power by which human beings could be so completely deprived of their
rights and prerogatives that no act committed against them could
appear any longer as a crime."
We may well ask
the same question today when listening to Israel's blonde bombshells
explain the bombs tearing apart the people of Gaza.
Yosefa
Loshitzky is Professor of Film, Media and Cultural Studies at the
University of East London. Her most recent books are Identity
Politics on the Israeli Screen (2001) and (as editor) Spielberg’s
Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on Schindler’s List (1997).
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